View source for International Union of Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers

{{Short description|North American Labor Union}}
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The '''International Union of Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers''' (IUMMSW) was a [[labor union]] representing miners and workers in related occupations in the United States and Canada.
The union played an important role in the protection of workers and in desegregation efforts beginning in 1916 when the [[Western Federation of Miners]] (WFM) changed its name to International Union of Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers (IUMMSW), also known as Mine Mill. The union was created in the western United States, and eventually expanded throughout the United States and Canada.
The union was known for its militant measures in dealing with opposing forces, and firm in its opposition to the politics that existed in the country during the [[Cold War]]. The Mine Mill union was very active politically from the 1930s to the 1960s, when it merged with the [[United Steelworkers]]. Ironically, the principles that the union supported in the workplace often clashed with popular ideology found in the home and community.<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Mercier|first1=Laurie|title=Gender, labor, and place: reconstructing women's spaces in industrial communities of western Canada and the United States|journal=Labor History|date=August 2012|volume=53|issue=3|pages=389–407|doi=10.1080/0023656X.2012.695561|s2cid=154730801 }}</ref> The philosophies of the union often mirrored communism, and some of its leaders were believed to be members of the [[Communist Party]].
Just as the nation struggled with the idea of communism in the 1920s, unions were faced with philosophical treatment of those in positions of power. [[Reid Robinson]], IUMMSW president appointed communists to union positions of authority. Anticommunist members called for Robinson to resign in 1947, but were aggravated when they learned that [[Maurice Travis]], a communist, would succeed him. Travis eventually left the party to comply with specifications of the [[Taft-Hartley Act]], but his activities were heavily scrutinized by Senator [[Joseph McCarthy]] and his investigators.<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Aiken|first1=Katherine G.|title=WHEN I REALIZED HOW CLOSE COMMUNISM WAS TO KELLOGG, I WAS WILLING TO DEVOTE DAY AND NIGHT": Anti-Communism, Women, Community Values, and the Bunker Hill Strike of 1960|journal=Labor History|date=Spring 1995|volume=36|issue=2|pages=165–186|doi=10.1080/00236569512331385422}}</ref>
In 1942, the union absorbed the [[National Association of Die Casting Workers]].<ref name="reynolds">{{cite book |last1=Reynolds |first1=Lloyd G. |last2=Killingsworth |first2=Charles C. |title=Trade Union Publications: The Official Journals, Convention Proceedings, and Constitutions of International Unions and Federations, 1850-1941 |date=1944 |publisher=Johns Hopkins Press |location=Baltimore}}</ref>  By the 1950s, the International Union of Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers had achieved establishment of approximately 300 locals, with about 37,000 total members in the United States and Canada.<ref>{{cite book|last1=Stein|first1=Judith|title=Running Steel, Running America: Race, economics and the Decline of Liberalism.|date=1988|publisher=University of North Carolina Press..|pages=46–49}}</ref> Although all locals had some common goals, such as establishing ways to ensure that all workers are treated fairly, each local dealt with issues specific to that group.
==The Cold War==
During the McCarthy era, Americans were very suspicious of communist sympathizers in their midst. The senator and his followers created fear and panic as they accused Americans of having communist ties, and they tried and punished them for these beliefs. The Taft-Hartley Act of 1947 gave the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation]] (FBI) the power to spy on suspected communists. This included tapping phones and other surveillance measures.<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Verzuh|first1=Ron|title=Mine-Mill's Peace Arch Concerts: How a "Red" Union and a Famous Singer-Activist Fought for Peace and Social Justice during the Cold War|journal=BC Studies|date=Summer 2012|issue=174|pages=61–99}}</ref> It also required that union officials remain clear of the communist party and sign statements saying that they were not members.<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Aiken|first1=Katherine G.|title=WHEN I REALIZED HOW CLOSE COMMUNISM WAS TO KELLOGG, I WAS WILLING TO DEVOTE DAY AND NIGHT|journal=Labor History|date=Spring 1995|volume=36|issue=2|pages=165–186}}</ref> The [[Smith–Mundt Act|Smith Act of 1948]] gave the government the power to indict suspected communists and the [[McCarran Internal Security Act|McCarran Act of 1950]] established internment camps where those who did not comply could be held.<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Verzuh|first1=Ron|title=Mine-Mill's Peace Arch Concerts: How a "Red" Union and a Famous Singer-Activist Fought for Peace and Social Justice during the Cold War|journal=BC Studies|date=Summer 2012|issue=174|pages=61–99}}</ref> These powerful measures created an atmosphere of fear, and Mine Mill's leaders' ties to the communist beliefs caused debate inside and outside of the union.<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Aiken|first1=Katheerine G.|title="WHEN I REALIZED HOW CLOSE COMMUNISM WAS TO KELLOGG, I WAS WILLING TO DEVOTE DAY AND NIGHT": Anti-Communism, Women, Community Values, and the Bunker Hill Strike of 1960|journal=Labor History|date=Spring 1995|volume=30|issue=2|pages=165–186}}</ref>
Mine Mill leaders in the United States (Philip Murray) and Canada ([[Aaron Mosher]]) were both conservatives with a leaning to communist beliefs. During this anti-communist movement among unions, leaders of the [[United Steel Workers of America]] (USWA) were encouraged by the [[Congress of Industrial Organizations|Congress of Industrial Organization]] (CIO) to infiltrate the Mine Mill organization and take over its membership.<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Keitel|first1=Robert S.|title=The Merger of the International Union of Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers into the United Steelworkers of America|journal=Labor History|date=Winter 1974|volume=15|issue=1|page=36|doi=10.1080/00236567408584278}}</ref> Throughout its history, USWA attempted to steal away Mine Mill members, often using communism as a dividing factor.<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Keitel|first1=Robert S.|title=The Merger of the International Union of Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers into the United Steelworkers of America|journal=Labor History|date=Winter 1974|volume=15|issue=1|page=36|doi=10.1080/00236567408584278}}</ref>
In 1950, the CIO expelled eleven member unions that did not conform to their political standards, including the International Union of Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers (IUMMSW).<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Keitel|first1=Robert S.|title=The Merger of the International Union of Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers into the United Steelworkers of America|journal=Labor History|date=Winter 1974|volume=15|issue=1|page=36|doi=10.1080/00236567408584278}}</ref> The CIO leaders assumed that the Mine Mill and other unions’ members could be persuaded to leave their existing affiliations and join with more mainstream groups, but there was not a rush of Mine Mill members to move.<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Keitel|first1=Robert S.|title=The Merger of the International Union of Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers into the United Steelworkers of America|journal=Labor History|date=Winter 1974|volume=15|issue=1|page=36|doi=10.1080/00236567408584278}}</ref> The CIO and the Steelworkers groups, who expected to benefit from an exodus, failed to recognize the loyalty of the western mine workers who did not respond to the propaganda that had been sent their way.<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Keitel|first1=Robert S.|title=The Merger of the International Union of Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers into the United Steelworkers of America|journal=Labor History|date=Winter 1974|volume=15|issue=1|page=36|doi=10.1080/00236567408584278}}</ref> Miners in Montana, for example, were more concerned about the [[Anaconda Copper Mining Company]] as a threat than they were about communism. They trusted Mine Mill to continue to secure benefits for them.<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Mercier|first1=Laurie|title="Instead of Fighting the Common Enemy": Mine Mill versus the Steelworkers in Montana, 1950–1967 |journal=Labor History|date=November 1999|volume=r0|issue=4|page=459|doi=10.1080/00236719912331387724 }}</ref>
During the McCarthy era, labor leaders like Harvey Murphy came under scrutiny, but the unions maintained a loyal following.<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Verzuh|first1=Ron|title=Mine-Mill's Peace Arch Concerts: How a "Red" Union and a Famous Singer-Activist Fought for Peace and Social Justice during the Cold War|journal=BC Studies |date=Summer 2012|issue=174|pages=61–99}}</ref> Communist ties of Mine Mill officers caused concern for Americans inside the union, in other unions and the CIO, and those not connected to unions. In order to ensure that labor leaders complied with laws against their membership in the communist party, leaders were required to sign affidavits renouncing any communist ties. Leaders of the Mine Mill Union opposed signing the affidavits based on First Amendment grounds, but eventually they complied. Secretary/Treasurer Maurice Travice publicly renounced his association with the Communist Party, but several of Mine Mill leaders were convicted of falsifying their Taft-Hartley affidavits.<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Verzuh|first1=Ron|journal=BC Studies|date=Summer 2012|issue=174|pages=61–99}}</ref> James L. Daugherty, the union's chief negotiator, refused to sign an affidavit, and he appealed to the president to stop the indictments against communist sympathizers. Leaders who reluctantly signed the affidavits were later called on charges of falsifying the documents.<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Aiken|first1=Katherine G.|title="WHEN I REALIZED HOW CLOSE COMMUNISM WAS TO KELLOGG, I WAS WILLING TO DEVOTE DAY AND NIGHT": Anti-Communism, Women, Community Values, and the Bunker Hill Strike of 1960|journal=Labor History|date=Spring 1995|volume=36|issue=2|pages=165–186|doi=10.1080/00236569512331385422}}</ref>
==Communist Ties In Mine Mill Union==
Distrust was in the atmosphere, and the CIO supported several articles, flyers and radio broadcasts aimed to weaken the Mine Mill's position with its members in the 1940s and 1950s. One article, appearing in ''Maclean’s Magazine'', added fuel to the anti-communist fire. Author Pierre Berton reported that Mine Mill smelter workers were producing a dangerous component used in the making of bombs, under the direction of Harvey Murphy. This "heavy water" report, "How a Red Union Bosses Atomic Workers at Trail BC," was untrue, but damaged the union's reputation.<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Verzuh|first1=Ron|title=Mine-Mill's Peace Arch Concerts: How a "Red" Union and a Famous Singer-Activist Fought for Peace and Social Justice during the Cold War|journal=BC Studies|date=Summer 2012|issue=174|pages=61–99}}</ref>
Murphy and other union communist sympathizers were not the only targets of the McCarthy Committee. Many Hollywood figures, including actors, directors, producers and musicians, were called out and accused of un-American acts. A renowned singer, [[Paul Robeson]], was among those suspected of practicing communist acts. He would play a significant role in helping restore Mine Mill's public image.<ref>{{cite journal|journal=BC Studies|date=Summer 2012|issue=174|pages=61–99}}</ref>
==The Peace Arch Concerts==
The Mine Mill leaders became involved in organizing a series of annual concerts that took place between 1952 and 1955 on the United States/Canada border at Vancouver.<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Verzuh|first1=Ron|title=The Peace Arch Concerts|title-link=Peace Arch Concerts}}</ref> The events drew thousands of fans of the singer/activist, even when the government plotted to shut him down. Paul Robeson was a man of many talents, some of which earned him a football scholarship to [[Rutgers University]]. He spoke several languages and he studied political science, forming distinct opinions about communism. He is best known, however, for his emotion-packed singing of "Ole Man River" in the musical, ''[[Show Boat]]''. (2) He was a popular speaker, and his messages promoted freedom and harmony among all people.<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Verzuh|first1=Ron|title=Peace Arch Concerts: How a "Red" Union and a Famous Singer-Activist Fought for Peace and Social Justice during the Cold War|journal=BC Studies|date=Summer 2012|issue=174|pages=61–99}}</ref> Robeson, however, was outspoken about his beliefs, which angered the anti-communist watchdogs. He ignored advice to edit his public statements, praising the Soviets for their achievements and criticizing President [[Harry Truman]] for involving the United States in the Korean War. He openly criticized American policies, and the State Department had a thick file on him. Communist sympathizers like Robeson were at risk of being targeted by politicians and anti-communist activists. Although Robeson had a large following in Canada, the American government limited his ability to reach his fans by pulling his passport in 1950, restricting his travel.<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Verzuh|first1=Ron|title=Peace Arch Concerts: How a "Red" Union and a Famous Singer-Activist Fought for Peace and Social Justice during the Cold War|journal=BC Studies|date=Summer 2012|issue=174|pages=61–99}}</ref> Robeson's outspoken ways angered anti-communists in both the United States and Canada, and in February 1952 authorities prevented him from appearing in person at a conference sponsored by the Mine Mill leaders. Murphy then promoted another concert to take place in May at the US/Canada border in Blaine, Washington. Murphy had a plan to work around the travel restrictions, and his project became known as the Peace Arch Concerts. Murphy reasoned that although Robeson could not cross the border, they could stand on either side and see activities going on. Murphy arranged for a flatbed truck to be positioned on the American side with Paul using it as a stage as he sang into a phone. A phone line on the other side transmitted the sound of his voice to speakers on the Canadian side. Although the sound quality was somewhat compromised, the passion of his voice and the messages came through clearly.<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Verzuh|first1=Ron|title=Peace Arch Concerts: How a "Red" Union and a Famous Singer-Activist Fought for Peace and Social Justice during the Cold War|journal=BC Studies|date=Summer 2012|issue=174|pages=61–99}}</ref> Robeson received a mixed response to his performance: some were angry and some were pleased that he had circumvent the restrictions placed on his travel. Many of the delegates in attendance equated the performance to a victory for personal freedom.<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Verzuh|first1=Ron|title=Peace Arch Concerts: How a "Red" Union and a Famous Singer-Activist Fought for Peace and Social Justice during the Cold War|journal=BC Studies|date=Summer 2012|issue=174|pages=1}}</ref> The concerts brought positive media attention to the Mine Mill union and to Robeson. The show of support included about 40,000 people in attendance (2), and news of the concert reached tens of thousands via media.<ref>{{cite journal|journal=BC Studies|date=Summer 2012|issue=174|pages=61–99}}</ref> The events drew thousands of fans of the singer/activist, even when the government plotted to shut him down.
==Women’s Roles==
Women became vulnerable when strikes threatened their survival. Their opinions about union activities were strong, and sometimes contrasted with those of their husbands. In the post-World War II era, working-class families wanted more of a stake in their country, including company profits.  Strikes against companies provided union members with a way to challenge, but every strike was a gamble. In order to demand high wages and better benefits, workers went without pay during these strikes—and few could afford the lost income.<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Mercier|first1=Laurie|title=Gender, labor, and place: reconstructing women's spaces in industrial communities of western Canada and the United States|journal=Labor History|date=August 2012|volume=53|issue=3|pages=309–407|doi=10.1080/0023656X.2012.695561 |s2cid=154730801 }}</ref> The USWA took advantage of the situation with Local 117 in Montana using the hardships suffered during strikes to get the attention of strikers, wives and families.<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Mercier|first1=Laurie|title=Instead of Fighting the Common Enemy: Mine Mill Versus the Steelworkers in Montana, 1950-1967|journal=Labor History|date=Nov 1999|volume=40|issue=4|pages=459–480|doi=10.1080/00236719912331387724}}</ref> The USWA emphasized the importance that union families should live as good Americans, an anti-communist lifestyle.<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Mercier|first1=Laurie|title=Instead of Fighting the Common Enemy: Mine Mill Versus the Steelworkers in Montana, 1950-1967|journal=Labor History|date=Nov 1999|volume=40|issue=4|pages=459–480|doi=10.1080/00236719912331387724}}</ref>
Union family members all had a stake in the union's activities and wives of the union members often formed support groups associated with the locals. During strikes, women actively supported the union efforts by picketing with the men, fundraising for funds to feed families during the strikes, cooking in strike kitchens and in whatever way necessary, but they had no voice in union decisions. Women formed auxiliary groups to support union locals, but the auxiliaries were independent in organization. When Mary Orlich publicly attacked the Mine Mill's communist ties in her auxiliary presidential platform in 1947, the union was powerless to stop her. She told American women that red unionism threatened their lifestyles, which divided women in their support of the union. Montana union members accused her of meddling and called her disloyal.<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Mercier|first1=Laurie|title=Instead of Fighting the Common Enemy: Mine Mill Versus the Steelworkers in Montana, 1950-1967|journal=Labor History|date=Nov 1999|volume=40 |issue=4|pages=459–480|doi=10.1080/00236719912331387724 }}</ref>
==Merger==
The Mine Mill Union, despite its former strength, finally agreed to a merger with USWA in the 1960s. The ongoing communist leanings of the Mine Mill leaders became unfavorable, and community opposition factored into changes in the members’ positions. Where the union members’ loyalty to Mine Mill was once strong, economic issues lured them to join with the steelworkers. The strength of the USWA negotiations was demonstrated in the wages received by its members.<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Keitel|first1=Robert S.|title=The Merger of the International Union of Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers into the United Steelworkers of America|journal=Labor History|date=Winter 1974|volume=15|issue=1|page=36|doi=10.1080/00236567408584278}}</ref> In 1962, the Anaconda local 117 left Mine Mill to join with the steelworkers, and the loss of this local was the beginning of the end for Mine Mill.  (3)<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Verzuh|first1=Ron|title=Peace Arch Concerts: How a "Red" Union and a Famous Singer-Activist Fought for Peace and Social Justice during the Cold War|journal=BC Studies |date=Nov 2013|volume=40|issue=4|pages=459|url=http://ojs.library.ubc.ca/index.php/bcstudies/article/view/2401}}</ref> The USWA had many advantages in recruiting and showed strength in numbers. Despite years of resistance, the two unions merged in 1967.
Local 598 in [[Greater Sudbury|Sudbury]], Ontario, which had a contentious and sometimes violent history with the city's Steelworkers locals,<ref>[http://www.northernlife.ca/News/LocalNews/2008/101608-seguinTOP.asp?NLStory=101608-seguin "Fighting the good fight: Homer Seguin tells his story"] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120308082333/https://www.sudbury.com/local-news/fighting-the-good-fight-homer-seguin-tells-his-story-221853n |date=2012-03-08 }}, ''[[Northern Life (newspaper)|Northern Life]]'', October 15, 2008. northernlife.ca</ref> voted against the merger. It remained the last autonomous remnant of Mine Mill until 1993, when it merged with the [[Canadian Auto Workers]].
==See also==
*[[Western Federation of Miners]]
*[[Salt of the Earth (1954 film)|Salt of the Earth]] film
*[[Taft-Hartley Act]]
*[[Clarence Darrow]]
*[[United States Senate Committee on Education and Labor]]
*[[United Steelworkers of America]]
*[[Workers' compensation (United States)|Workers' compensation]]
==References==
{{Reflist}}
==Further reading==
* Caballero, Raymond. ''McCarthyism vs. Clinton Jencks.'' Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2019.
{{Authority control}}
[[Category:Mining trade unions]]
[[Category:Trade unions absorbed by the United Steelworkers]]